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The Arctic This Week Take Five: Week of April 25, 2022

By | Take Five
April 29, 2022
Logo of The Arctic Institute's Take Five

NATO Expansion: Finland and Sweden to Decide Together on Membership

As reported by Reuters on April 26, Finland and Sweden could make a decision together on whether they will join NATO, according to Finnish Foreign Minister Pekka Haavisto. A precise application date has not been set yet, as both countries’ parliaments still need to debate the matter. Haavisto also mentioned that Finland is already taking steps towards enhanced cooperation and negotiations with NATO. (Reuters)

Take 1: While Finland has a 1340 km border in common with Russia, Sweden does not share any physical borders with the country. Nevertheless, the strategic island of Gottland in the Baltic Sea could still make Sweden vulnerable if a conflict were to break out in the region. Despite these tensions, the circumpolar countries have sought to maintain the Arctic region as an exclusive zone of peace, especially within the framework of the Arctic Council. However, due to Russian aggression in Ukraine, Arctic dialogue with Russia has been suspended, threatening the security architecture in the region. Even though the intergovernmental forum does not deal with military issues, there was a hope that its collaboration in other areas would minimize the chances of escalation. However, these expectations have not been met, and even the non-aligned states of Sweden and Finland have started seriously considering NATO membership. If these countries were to join the organization, all Arctic states – with the obvious exception of Russia- will then be part of the military alliance. Further strategic reassessment of the Arctic may lead to a new type of ‘relationship’ with Russia, which has already threatened nuclear deployment close to Finnish borders. Growing Russian-Chinese interaction on Arctic issues could further exacerbate the situation, as China is considered a strategic challenge for NATO. In the long-term, this could lead to a more militaristic outlook on Arctic cooperation, which does not bode well for climate and economic actions. (France 24, The Guardian)

Biden Reverses Trump’s Oil Plans for Alaska

As reported by Reuters on April 26, the Biden administration has abrogated a Trump administration policy that would have opened up the National Petroleum Reserve in Alaska to oil drilling expansion. Today’s decision reinstates a Obama-era development plan from 2013 that allows oil leasing for only up to half of the territory, compared to Trump’s aims to authorize the government to lease more than 80% of the reserve. (Reuters)

Take 2: The issue of energy security is acutely on the agenda due to the war in Ukraine, with many western states determined to decouple themselves from Russian energy supplies. Skyrocketing energy prices are also encouraging circumpolar countries to expand hydrocarbon production, with the Arctic put forward as the most suitable region for these activities. This is evidenced by Norway’s expanding exploitation and plans to open new fields in the Barents Sea over the next few years; the Canadian government has also recently approved the controversial Bay du Nord offshore drilling project. But Alaska is in a situation of uncertainty, torn between federal environmental policies against industry ambitions and pro-drilling lobbyists. As one of the largest oil-producing states, Alaska and its people are heavily dependent on oil revenues. Certainly, it contributes to the state’s economic development and the financial well-being of its inhabitants. But at the same time, a dramatic increase in Arctic drilling equals more oil spills, more polluted communities, and greater damage to fragile and vulnerable wildlife. The environmental arguments against increasing production in the Arctic are clear. It is crucial to continue actions such as those taken by the Biden administration and gradually move towards a clean energy transition. (The Barents Observer, The New York Times)

Indian Prime Minister Comes to Copenhagen

As reported by Hindustan Times on April 28, Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi, is set to pay an official visit to Denmark in early May as part of his three-day official tour of Europe. During his visit, Modi will participate in the second India-Nordic summit in Copenhagen together with the leaders of Iceland, Norway, Sweden and Finland. The India-Denmark Business Forum attendance is also included in his schedule. (Hindustan Times)

Take 3: India’s Arctic policy prepares the ground for stronger and more diverse interventions in the research and economic development of the region. India has expressed concern over the effects climate change in the Arctic can have for India’s own climate, economic and energy security. Subsequently, studying linkages between the circumpolar regions and the Himalayas plays an important part in the country’s strategy. Generally, India has significant experience in research in the polar regions, especially in its own ‘third pole,’ the Himalayas. The upcoming meeting with the Danish authorities may be beneficial for both India and Nordic countries, as a focus will be placed on sustainable solutions and climate change. The Arctic summit is also particularly important because back in 2012, India made the decision to scale down diplomatic ties with Denmark after the disadvantageous outcome of the Purulia arms drop case. Rebuilding partnership with Denmark illustrates how seriously prioritizing Arctic cooperation is to India. (Deccan Herald, Financial Express

Is the Future of the Arctic in Renewables? 

As reported by Morgunblaðið on April 26, the company Green Fuel has announced plans to build the first large-scale electric fuel factory in Iceland. The decision was driven by the Icelandic government’s aim to make the country carbon neutral by 2040 in line with Paris Agreement targets on reducing CO2 emissions. The facility will focus on liquid hydrogen and ammonia production for domestic transport and fishing fleets, with construction planned to start in 2024. (Morgunblaðið)

Take 4: The Arctic is rich in fossil fuels, as well as renewable energy sources. The entire region has a great potential to become a leader in the clean energy transformation – one it is in desperate need of. According to global indices like Yale and Columbia University’s Environmental Performance Index, Iceland is a world leader when it comes to renewable energy. Other circumpolar states are also taking considerable steps toward a greener Arctic through the promotion of hydrogen fuel. Norway is a front-runner in renewable energy, now exploring how hydrocarbon infrastructure can decarbonise its maritime sector. Its Swedish neighbor is also promoting a green steel venture HYBRIT as a way of revolutionizing the formerly coal-dependent iron and steel industry through fossil-free electricity and hydrogen. There were also promising hydrogen projects in the Russian Arctic, with the country strategizing to become a leading hydrogen exporter to China, Japan, South Korea and Germany. However, several Russian companies are now adjusting their plans in response to the current situation in Ukraine and resulting western intentions to reduce dependency on Russian energy resources. But what will a return to dirty energy mean for the Arctic? (The Barents Observer, The Wilson Quarterly

 Government of Nunavut Seeks to Throw Out Inuit Language Lawsuit

As reported by CBC News on April 28, the Government of Nunavut has asked a local court of justice to dismiss a lawsuit over students’ rights to receive education in the Inuktut language. A statement of claim filed by Inuit legal representative Nunavut Tunngavik Inc. (NTI) in October 2021 accusing the territorial government of discrimiation for not offering education in the language to the same degrees as English and French has been called unfounded by the government. Both parties are now awaiting the decision of the Nunavut Court of Justice. (CBC News)

Take 5:The United Nations declared 2022-2032 the International Decade of Indigenous Languages. The action aims to draw global attention to the critical situation of many Indigenous languages around the world, including in the Arctic. Canada expressed its commitment to this goal and stressed that it will respect the languages of its Indigenous citizens. Nevertheless, In Nunavut, education policies pose a serious threat to Inuit languages today. In schools, Nunavut Inuit students have limited opportunities to learn and be educated in Inuktut. As a rule, after Grade 4 or 5, and sometimes even after Grade 2, teaching in the native language stops. Overall, the languages of instruction are predominantly English or French, even though Inuit represent 94% of the territory’s student population. As part of the 2008 Education Act, The Government of Nunavut committed to implementing Inuktut-taught programs for all grades by 2020 at the latest. However, after failing to achieve this target, it repealed this commitment in 2020, and Inuit courses became supplementary. Circumpolar states should understand that many Arctic Indigenous languages are dying out, and the number of native speakers is declining. These languages reflect unique knowledge and rich terminology, which is also important for modern Arctic scientific research. Therefore, governments should rethink how their language policies echoe of the colonial past. (Nunavut News, Toronto Star)