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The Arctic This Week Take Five: Week of October 11, 2021

By | Take Five
October 15, 2021
Logo of The Arctic Institute's Take Five

Arctic Circle Assembly Marks Return to In-Person Conferences

As reported by Eye on the Arctic among others on October 11, the Arctic Circle Assembly has been preparing for its four-day, in-person gathering that started on October 14 in Reykjavik, Iceland. One of the biggest northern-themed conferences in the world, there are over 400 speakers addressing approximately 1,000 participants from more than 50 different countries. The conference sees academics, Indigenous leadership, entrepreneurs, as well as ministers and government representatives speak on their Arctic strategies and policies. (Eye on the Arctic, High North News, The Barents Observer)

Take 1: With the first large gathering on Arctic issues since the Covid-19 pandemic, this conference marks the start of a busy international circuit, offering circumpolar stakeholders and policymakers the opportunity to reconvene in-person after nearly two years of virtual conference woes, dropped calls, and technical difficulties. In-person congregations are important for enhancing dialogue and cooperation through physical participation, especially in the Arctic. These meetings represent the few opportunities for stakeholders usually scattered across the circumpolar region to meet and build common connections. Furthermore critical in exposing policymakers to the communities, living conditions, and challenges that are unique to the region; most Arctic policymakers do not actually live in the Arctic themselves. However, an uneven post-pandemic legacy challenges cross-border cooperation. While academics, stakeholders, and policymakers from Scandinavia and Europe prepare for conferences like the Norwegian Arctic Frontiers (January 31) and Finnish Arctic Spirit (November 16-17), international disputes over vaccines and travel regulations restrict the attendance of their Russian counterparts. With Russian territory making up over 50% of the Arctic coastline and population, as well as being a source of increasing geopolitical tension, ensuring an equal representation in these dialogues is more essential than ever. The contemporary challenges that the Arctic face do not respect borders- as organiser of the upcoming Arctic Spirit conference Markku Heikkila concludes, “If we lose meetings with each other, we will finally lose the Arctic.” (High North News, The Barents Observer)

European Union Looks Away from Oil, Towards Greenland in New Arctic Strategy

As covered by Reuters, the European Union (EU) has released its latest proposal for a revised Arctic Strategy on October 14. The Commission is re-examining the EU’s role in the Arctic ahead of an integrated EU policy by the end of 2021. With a focus on environmental protection, climate change, and security relations, the draft highlights a proposal to convince partner countries to agree to ban oil and gas deposit development in the region. Brussels will also seek to boost economic, educational and research ties with Greenland, establishing a European Commission Office in Nuuk. The Commission aims to strengthen research into the effects and mitigation measures for thawing permafrost. The newly released proposal currently awaits approval by the EU’s 27 member states. (Arctic Today, European Commission, High North News, Reuters, The Guardian)

Take 2: The EU proposal to suspend Arctic fossil fuel development has been met with great applause by the media and environmentalists ahead of the UN Conference on Climate Change (COP26), seen as an appropriate amends for the long history of EU Arctic oil extraction and importation that has contributed to 36% of the black carbon that pollutes the region. With Norway recently announcing its intentions to further grow its oil and gas sector, the ban will certainly cast a spotlight, if not significant uncertainty, on the government’s increasing oil exploration in the Barents Sea and current trade relations with Europe. Yet, this proposal might have unintended effects. President Vladimir Putin, whose country remains one of the world’s largest oil and gas exporters in the Arctic, has said Russia will benefit from such a ban due to driving up the price of oil. However, an altruistic dedication to climate change is not the driving factor behind the new Arctic strategy, even if the EU has been keen to market it as such. With previously limited influence in the area, the European Commission proposal reflects the increasing presence of the Arctic on the geopolitical agenda, but also strategic aspirations and anxieties. The Arctic is rich in rare and desirable earth minerals that are now becoming easier to extract as the ice melts. Europe has been desperate to reduce its dependence on China for these critical materials, and has made no secret of its interest in the mineral deposits hosted by Greenland. It is little wonder the Commission is eager to develop a physical presence in Nuuk. At the same time, this reflects concern to prevent other powers, such as Russia and China, from dominating the new arena. However, with both Iceland and Norway already responding to the EU proposals with a cold shoulder, it is clear that stepping up this regional engagement will come at the cost of treading on some important toes. (Arctic Today, Bellona, High North News, High North News, Open Access Government)

Nuclear-Powered Gold Mine To be Developed in Russian Arctic

Seligdar, one of the leading gold producers in Russia, has won an auction for a license to develop one of Russia’s largest gold deposits in cooperation with state company Rostekhnologiya in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), in the north-eastern part of Siberia, the Barents Observer reported October 10. The Russian Ministry of Natural Resources and the Environment (Minprirody) has mandated the construction of a nuclear power plant as part of the mineral production license criteria. Construction is expected to start by 2024, with the small-scale nuclear power-plant required by the agreement to be in operation in the rural coastal territory by no later than 2028. (Eye on the Arctic, The Barents Observer, World Nuclear News).

Take 3: This project is significant in that it will represent one of Russia’s largest gold mining projects upon completion. Locally, the nuclear power mine will make it possible not only to develop the field, but also address energy and employment deficits in the surrounding rural territories which currently lack real energy infrastructure. However, the project also speaks to the trajectory of Arctic development and dominance that Russia envisions. First, a strategic coastal connection indicates a confidence in the future of Russia’s much touted, yet still practically challenging, export-oriented Northern Sea Route (NSR). Second, this mandate suggests Russia is moving steadily forward with implementing its vision of nuclear energy as key to Arctic development. For instance, nuclear power state-company Rosatom intends to build five floating plants to serve several other mining projects on the East Siberian Coast. This push comes at the back of decidedly less commercial endeavours, including the development of nuclear-powered military cruise missiles and underwater drones. According to some estimates, the Russian Arctic will constitute the most nuclearised waters on the planet by 2035. However, Russia has a poor record on nuclear management, grappling to this day with the legacy of waste and contamination from Soviet-era aspirations. In combination with its growing Arctic ambitions, this can lead to dangerous outcomes; a potential incident involving nuclear contamination can severely harm both the Arctic marine environment and population. Posing not only a serious threat to Russia but the world, using Arctic waters as a nuclear testing site can be a truly fatal experiment. (Bellona, Bellona, European Leadership Network, The Barents Observer

Editor of Independent Russian Newspaper Wins Nobel Peace Prize

As reported by Reuters among others on October 8, Russian newspaper editor Dmitry Muratov was announced as the latest winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, along with Maria Ressa, a journalist from the Philippines. The journalists were awarded the prize for what the committee deemed a “courageous fight for freedom of expression.” Founder and chief editor of the independent newspaper Novaya Gazeta, Muratov, dedicated the award to the six employees who were murdered for their work exposing human rights violations and corruption since the inception of the newspaper in 1993. Muratov plans to use the award to further help defend the rights of reporters in Russia. (Reuters, The Barents Observer, The Guardian, Reuters)

Take 4: This decision reads as a strong endorsement of the significance of free speech in contributing to world welfare, but also its increasing vulnerability- a journalistic duality highly applicable to the Arctic. Regional press occupies a uniquely polarised position, sandwiched between Finland as the most journalist-friendly country in the world, and Russia as one of the most challenging. The annual World Press Freedom Index report details a climate of oppression, which sees journalists critical of corruption forced to register as ‘foreign agents’ supposedly seeking to destabilise the country- and sometimes end up dying later in mysterious circumstances. With independent media absolutely critical for exposing the true extent of environmental catastrophes such as that of the recent Norilsk oil spill, or giving a platform to marginalized voices such as Indigenous reindeer herders beyond state narratives, this censorship matters for anyone who wants to try to navigate the complexities of the Russian Arctic. The award will therefore not only give the role of Russian journalism greater visibility but can also result in greater press protection; a hope amplified by Muratov’s promise to leverage the prize in favour of these interests. However, it is notable that despite the critical position of Novaya Gazeta towards authority, the Kremlin congratulated Muratov- a sign of approval quickly pointed out would have been impossible if the highly anticipated win by political dissident Navalny had occurred instead. With Muratov’s financial associations and friendships with members of the regime establishment now receiving uncomfortable attention, some critics suggest the decisions involved in the award of anti-corruption might ironically not be entirely transparent. For circumpolar journalism, this win might ultimately be more symbolic than substantial. (Bloomberg Opinion, Pulitzer Center, Reuters, The Barents Observer, The Bell)

Norwegian Court Removes Licenses of Two Wind Farms Wind farms Ruled to be in Violation of Indigenous Rights

As covered by the Guardian, on October 11 Norway’s Supreme Court declared two parks of the Fosen Vind wind-complex on the country’s western coast to be in violation of the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political rights (ICCPR). The Fovsen Njaarke Sijte’s (Fosen Reindeer Grazing District, south of the Arctic Circle) argument that the construction prevents their ability to herd as a legally protected cultural practice has been officially recognised, and the court has determined the operating licences issued in 2010 by the Water Resources and Energy Directorate (NVE) to be void in response. Lawyers for the herders suggest that the 151 turbines on the Fosen peninsula can face near-immediate decommission. The case represents a dispute of the previous 2020 verdict administered by the Norwegian Court of Appeals. (Euronews, The Guardian, NRK, The Guardian)

Take 5: The astonishing multi-decadal struggle of the small group of South Sami reindeer herders against multinational business interests and the state has culminated in a landmark case deemed the most important decision for Indigenous rights in Norway in modern times. However unexpected, the Supreme Court ruling is indisputable. Self-determination over traditional lands is fundamental for Sami reindeer husbandry culture, and the injustices of industrial intrusion can no longer be made to disappear in the eyes of the law simply by throwing enough ‘financial compensation’ at the problem. The precedence set not only has major implications for future wind power construction but all forms of industrial development planned in Sami territories. More indirectly, the case implies powerfully that the right to Indigenous existence must not be dismissed in favour of the interests of society at large – no matter how “green.” This ruling therefore not only exposes the irony of the global green transition as reliant on Arctic extractivism at the expense of local communities, but a path to a more inclusive future that adheres to all dimensions of the word sustainable. However, while learning from these lessons going forwards, we must first look back. As Aili Keskitalo, previous president of the Sami Parliament writes: the judgement has clearly shown that we cannot trust any of the previous wind energy licenses granted in Sami reindeer grazing areas- but will the more than 50 wind-power farms in operation today even get as much as a critical glance? (Adresseavisen, Arctic Today, NRK, The Guardian, Wind Power)