India's Role in the Arctic: Reviving the Momentum Through a Policy
Ensuring a strong scientific footprint in the Arctic is one of the key takeaways from India’s draft Arctic policy. Arctic research is being conducted at ‘Himadri’, India’s research base at Ny-Alesund, Svalbard, Norway. Photo: National Council for Polar and Ocean Research
In 2008, India inaugurated its research station ‘Himadri‘ in Svalbard, Norway, marking the entry of an Asian country and an emerging power. Five years later, it secured the status of an ‘Observer’ at the Arctic Council, raising the anticipation and expectations of countries and Arctic stakeholders about what New Delhi could do in the North. After seven years, when the momentum seemingly dwindled, and reached a standstill mode, India released its draft Arctic policy. Now that India has decided to revive its strategy, there is a need for it to maintain the momentum if it wishes to be counted as a stakeholder in the Arctic.
The Rationale
Rationale determines a state’s venture into less familiar regions. One could wonder and be curious about India’s role in the Arctic; the primary question being- what made India come to the North?
Contrary to the popular belief, India’s ties with the Arctic is not new. The United Kingdom was a signatory to the Svalbard Treaty of 1920 that upheld Norwegian sovereignty over the archipelago. By the virtue of being ruled by the colonial government, British India was also a signatory. However, independent India, embroiled in the arduous task of building a nation, did not feel the need to continue and pursue an Arctic policy. The Arctic was brushed aside, even after a three-decade history of conducting research in the Antarctic.
With a capacity to bear an influence on the entire globe, the effects of changes in the Arctic environment are being gradually visible on the Indian weather system. The scientific community asserts a link between Arctic climatic conditions and monsoons. Needless to explain, monsoon is the lifeline of agriculture in the Indian subcontinent, supporting the livelihood of millions. This is one of the primary reasons for India to take a step forward in the Arctic in 2007. It initiated its Arctic Research Program and launched its first scientific expedition in the same year. The primary aim was to explore more about about the Arctic link to monsoons, assess the flora and fauna in the North and make a comparative assessment with that of the Antarctic, and make use of the country’s technological expertise in the outer space domain to study the effects of climate change in the Arctic. There was a substantial demand from the scientific community to expand the scope of the study to the Arctic. With debates considering the Himalayas as the ‘Third Pole’ gaining more traction, considering the common elements across the Arctic, Antarctic and the Himalayas, the need for India’s active presence in all the three poles was felt.
The Draft Policy: Situating in a larger context
The world system has been hierarchical since the dawn of Westphalian states, where the West has been the norm giver and the East, norm taker. Post-World War II, two blocs emerged and the countries joined either of them. India decided to tread the non-alignment path and propounded its ideas primarily in the developing world. The Post-Cold War world witnessed multipolarity and resurgence of Asian powers, including India and China. They have an important say in the international system and carry specific value systems that are representative of their history, culture and social experiences. Particularly in the Arctic, the Asian countries gained more prominence in 2013 since they were deemed as ‘observers’ at the Kiruna Ministerial Meeting.
India’s release of the draft Arctic policy can therefore be placed in the three larger contexts. First, India is an emerging great power, with formidable military and economic power, and goodwill across the world. Its own great power ambitions mandate its increased role in the 21st century world, including the previously unexplored areas like the Arctic. In 2011, Shyam Saran, former foreign secretary of India stated that in a geopolitically changing Arctic, emerging world powers like India and China must “place this region on the international agenda.”
New Delhi, as a strong economic power, is keen on diversifying its sources of energy. Since 2018, India has been focusing on tapping the oil and gas reserves in the Russian Arctic, and has also collaborated with Denmark, Norway and Sweden on issues relating to environmental protection and polar science cooperation.
Second, China’s acceleration in Arctic affairs. Beijing’s release of a white paper and its emergence as a formidable external power in the Arctic may have mounted some amount of pressure on New Delhi to expand its activities. Third, India was one of the few countries (having presence in the Arctic) not to have released an Arctic policy. Stating the larger objectives through a policy document will direct a country’s approach to the Arctic.
India released the draft of its Arctic policy, in January 2021. Similar to other non-Arctic states, India’s policy explains the rationale, and tries to place its identity in the larger Arctic framework. Placing science as a tool to approach the Arctic, India has mentioned the link to monsoon and the persuasion of the idea of Himalayas being the ‘Third Pole’. One may note that through the policy, India has also considered herself to be a country that is part of one of the polar regions, thereby emphasizing its identity while it plans to engage with the Arctic actively. It is quite similar to how China has tried projecting its Arctic identity by calling itself as the ‘near Arctic state’.
‘Sustainable engagement’ is the underlying approach that is emphasized across the ‘five pillars’- science and research, economic and human development cooperation, transportation and connectivity, governance and international cooperation, and national capacity building. Knowing about the Arctic and developing better understanding of the climatic changes, and contributing to international efforts as an Observer in the Arctic Council, are part of India’s mission to involve in and engage with the Arctic. The policy also talks about the need to strengthen ‘Himadri’, establish collaborations with scientific institutions working on polar sciences and acquire and build ice class vessels that will enhance India’s scientific research in the North.
Transportation and connectivity is relatively a new area that India has been exploring in the Arctic, and has been mentioned as one of the five pillars in the policy. It plans to explore the possibility of reaching the Arctic through the International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), a quicker and direct route. In this regard, it may be of benefit to integrate the INSTC with the European rail networks like North Sea-Baltic TEN-T Core Network Corridor, the Baltic-Adriatic TEN-T Core Network Corridor, or the Scandinavian-Mediterranean TEN-T Core Network Corridor. India is also considering a maritime route, by establishing the Chennai-Vladivostok Maritime Corridor, between the two important port cities. A memorandum of intent was signed in 2019, between Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, when the former became the first Indian PM to visit Russia’s Far East region. The proposal, in the long term, could be a counterbalance to China’s Polar Silk Road.
The draft policy talks about why and how it plans to engage with the Arctic, by involving the state, the civil society including think tanks, academicians, scientists and other experts, building collaborations with institutions in the Arctic, such as the University of the Arctic (UArctic). But, it falls short while telling what India will bring to the Arctic table, how it can use its immense potential and expertise, and substantially contribute to the region.
Rethink and Revise
The draft policy cautiously calls the Arctic as a ‘common heritage of mankind’, rekindling the debate about global commons. However, India is an Observer at the Council and has agreed to the Ottawa Declaration, which upholds the sovereignty of the Arctic states. It is therefore necessary to address this crucial contradiction.
India must also officially appoint an ‘Arctic ambassador/representative’ who will represent and voice India’s perspectives on Arctic affairs. Constituting a dedicated expert committee to plan, monitor, steer, implement and review New Delhi’s Arctic policy may help streamline the country’s approach in a better manner. Lastly, inculcating a multidisciplinary perspective to study the Arctic is required, given the gamut of intertwined issues that the region faces today.
Rashmi Ramesh is a doctoral student at the School of Conflict and Security Studies, National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS), Bengaluru, India.