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The Arctic This Week Take Five: Week of 30 October, 2023

By | Take Five
November 3, 2023
Logo of The Arctic Institute's Take Five

Russia Plans to Build a Science Centre in Svalbard with New International Partners

As reported by The Barents Observer on October 30, Russia has announced its plans to build a new science centre in the former coal-mining town of Pyramiden in Svalbard. The centre would support scientific and educational cooperation between Russia and so-called “friendly countries,” such as China, Brazil, India, Turkey, and Thailand. (The Barents Observer)

Take 1: Russia’s aspirations to build a new science centre in Pyramiden show that they are looking for new ways to utilize their established presence in Svalbard. The coal mines in Pyramiden have been closed since the late 1990s, and the inefficiency of coal mining means that its revival is unlikely. At the same time, Russia is looking for new international partners after many of its previous relationships—such as the one with Norway—were fractured by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Svalbard, with its field research in Ny-Ålesund and the UNIS university centre in Longyearbyen, stands as one of the world’s most international research hubs. Notably, both China and India are among those to have established research stations in Ny-Ålesund. With the activities of the Arctic Council largely on pause since February 2022, Russia appears to be interested in pursuing alternative alliances in the region, aiming to counterbalance the research activity in the parts of Svalbard controlled by Norway. It is unclear whether many countries will be interested in such cooperation, but China and India have consistently expressed interest in expanding their presence in the Arctic. By establishing an alternative scientific hub in Svalbard and persuading at least some of the other BRICS countries to join the project, Russia would be able to revitalize Pyramiden—in addition to expanding its currently limited tourist operations—and simultaneously signal its presence in the Arctic, ideally along with establishing more explicit alliances with powerful international actors. (The Barents Observer)

New Plans Signed to Invest $ 36 Million in Inuktitut in Nunavik

On November 1, Nunatsiaq News reported that the Makivvik Corporation, the legal representative of the Inuit in Quebec, and the Avataq Cultural Institute, an organization focused on Inuit culture and language in Nunavik, signed a memorandum of understanding in Montreal. The two organizations committed to spend $36 million over five years on Inuktitut revitalization projects in 15 communities. Approximately a third of the funding will be provided by the Department of Canadian Heritage’s Indigenous Languages and Cultures Program, with the remainder contributed by Makivvik. The funds will be used to enable Avataq to implement its earlier recommendations, such as establishing an Inuktitut Language Authority and supporting Inuit Heritage Centres across Nunavik. (Nunatsiaq News)

Take 2: Language loss in the Arctic has been a major area of concern, with rates of both language use and fluency in Inuktitut and other Inuit languages steadily declining. This memorandum of understanding shows that language revitalization and ongoing support of Inuktitut is a priority for both Canadian Heritage and Inuit stakeholders, whose long-term interests Makivvik represents. This multi-agency approach means that a meaningful amount of funding can be provided to kickstart long-term change and that the plan can be truly comprehensive, covering 15 communities across Nunavik. Zebedee Nungak, the Avataq Language Director quoted in the article, emphasizes a widespread sentiment: Inuktitut literacy is at risk of being lost if the current generation of young speakers, many of whom did not grow up speaking the language, cannot access language resources and supportive programs in their communities. In this case, federal funding partially supports an Inuit-designed and -run program, putting Inuit in Nunavik in charge of the preservation, revitalization, and promotion of their language and hopefully creating a precedent for other parts of the Inuit Nunangat. (Makivvik, Nunatsiaq News)

Western Arctic Caribou Herd Numbers Declining for Last 20 Years

On October 29, the Anchorage Daily News reported that the Alaska Department of Fish and Game disclosed the results of this summer’s census for the Western Arctic Caribou Herd, one of the four caribou herds in northern Alaska. The data reveals that the number of animals declined by about 7% since the previous summer. The herd’s size has been decreasing since 2003, prompting discussions about the need to implement measures to combat this decline, including harvest reduction. (Anchorage Daily News)

Take 3: The continuous decline of the size of the Western Arctic Caribou Herd is concerning for biologists as well as for local communities. It is normal for caribou herds to fluctuate in size, but the Western Arctic Caribou Herd has been in decline since its peak in 2003. It was then the largest herd in Alaska, with almost 500,000 animals instead of this year’s 164,000. This number is also the lowest since the 1980s and is combined with a lower-than-usual cow survival rate. Migration path and calving ground locations both change year to year, making it especially difficult for scientists to confirm plausible causes of the decline, but high predation rates and climate change have both been linked to it. Harvest reduction plans have been discussed in recent years, but many local hunters and entire communities depend on the caribou for subsistence, and so their lifestyles would be dramatically altered by introducing harvest reduction measures, with possible reduced harvest numbers quoted as low as four animals per hunter per year. Food security remains a serious problem in the North, and so any plans to address the shrinking caribou numbers must take it into consideration along with the herd’s sustainability. (Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Anchorage Daily News, High North News)

US Embassy Reopens Diplomatic Office in Tromsø

As was reported by High North News on November 1, the US Embassy in Norway reopened its Tromsø office after almost 30 years. At the event, US Ambassador Marc Nathanson cited a renewed focus on the Arctic and the North as a primary reason for establishing the office, with US Deputy Secretary of State Elizabeth M. Allen also emphasizing the significance of the Arctic in terms of geopolitics, competitiveness, and particularly, the climate crisis. Norwegian State Secretary Eivind Vad Petersson from the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Tromsø Mayor Gunnar Wilhelmsen were also in attendance. (High North News)

Take 4: The symbolic gesture of the US reopening its office in Tromsø clearly signals the strategic importance of the Arctic and of Arctic partnerships with Europe to the country. Just a few months after Canada announced that it was closing its International Arctic Centre (CIAC) in Oslo—a step widely criticized as misguided in the current environmental and geopolitical climate—the US is clearly and openly committing to a stronger presence in the Arctic. While the diplomatic presence in Tromsø is going to be small—with one diplomat and no consular services—it sends a clear symbolic signal of US investment in the Arctic and its focus on building alliances with European Arctic nations, most importantly Norway. Along with the recently-revealed ten-year implementation plan for the US Arctic strategy, this announcement sends a clear message of long-term investment in developing capabilities in the Arctic as well as strengthening cooperation with other Arctic nations: with Canada in joint NORAD (North American Aerospace Defense Command) modernization initiatives as well as other Arctic NATO nations. While defense and security are obvious priorities for US Arctic strategy, the implementation plan also mentions increased engagement with Alaska Native and other Indigenous communities in the Arctic, including incorporating Indigenous knowledge to research and decision-making. All of these developments point to the US wanting to counter Russia’s presence in the Arctic and its recent attempts to build new Arctic alliances (most significantly with China) while also prioritizing long-term cooperation with various NATO and Arctic partners, including Alaska Native communities. (DefenseScoop, High North News, Reuters, Toronto Star)

Two New Exploration Licenses for Rare Earth Elements Granted in Greenland

As Eye on the Arctic reported on November 1, the government of Greenland granted two new mineral exploration licenses to the company Amaroq Minerals, consisting of Nunarsuit and Paatusoq West. The licenses, located in an area of southern Greenland believed to contain deposits of rare earth elements (REEs), will increase Amaroq’s total land package in Greenland to 9,785.56km². (Eye on the Arctic)

Take 5: The exploration licenses granted to Amaroq Minerals in southern Greenland are part of a growing focus on rare earth element mining in the Arctic and throughout the North. REEs are in increasing demand worldwide as they are essential for fast-growing industries such as electric and hybrid car manufacturing, personal electronics, and wind turbines. It is clear that the demand for REEs will only grow as more countries aim to transition away from fossil fuels. Currently, almost 90% of REE supply is controlled by China. Building up mining capabilities in Greenland has been championed as a way to counter this reliance on China for critical minerals. Britain, Canada, and Australia all hold licenses in Greenland, but with these latest additions, Amaroq has become the largest license holder in the country. In addition to REEs, one of the licenses is located in an existing copper belt, and Amaroq also holds gold licenses in the area. As REEs are quickly becoming one of the most competitive and strategically important commodities in the world, they provide a new opportunity for Inuit stakeholders to benefit from the growing industry. They can also provide an opportunity for national governments to support production chains independent of Chinese influence. Yet, establishing true independence might prove complex. A case in point: the Nechalacho mine in the Northwest Territories, once celebrated as Canada’s response to Chinese rare earth dominance, recently saw a significant share acquisition by Chinese entities. (Cabin Radio, CBC, Eye on the Arctic, Eye on the Arctic)