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The Arctic This Week Take Five: Week of August 5, 2019

By | Take Five
August 9, 2019
Logo of The Arctic Institute's Take Five

In the Rage of (Climate) Change

This July marked the peak of an unprecedented heatwave, which rushed through world’s northernmost regions putting livelihoods on fire and melting giant glaciers. In Russia, massive wildfires broke out in Siberia and spread over several million hectares in the course of a couple of weeks, whereas Iceland reported on the loss of its first glacier, Okjökull. Together with extreme temperature falls recorded in Northern Europe, this year’s heatwave vividly portrayed the consequences of living in climate change denial (Time, The Economist, The Moscow Times, The Guardian, EOTA).

Take 1: This July marked a point of no return in terms of not only the scale of destruction caused by the heat but also the scale of ignorance and political impotence of coping with climate change in real-time. The treacherous refusal of the Russian government to declare a state of emergency in Siberian regions, affected by the wildfires, and the mind-boggling climate change denial by Trump’s administration are, perhaps, the two worst examples of environmental policy gone to blazes, literally. It seems that unless the drama breaks into one’s own backyard, it will stay unnoticed. But “it is all too late”,as Christopher P. Heuer writes in his recent book Into the White, “the Arctic is coming for you”.

Intensifying Destruction: Mining in Protected Tundra

Amid climatological and political heatwaves, triggered by massive wildfires in Siberia and demonstrations against violations of city election campaign in Moscow, invasive infrastructures are advancing into the Russian Arctic frontier. On August 6, International Barents Observer (IBS) reported on the continuation of illegal mining operations on the Taimyr peninsula in Russia. Despite owing some hundred millions after having been sued for environmental law violations, Vostok Coal and its Arctic Mining company has sneaked up cheek by jowl to the Big Arctic National park. Backed by the government, the controversial mining project implies constructing two new pot terminals and a railway, and is seen as a crucial part of the development of the Northern Sea Route (IBS).

Take 2: Unfortunately, settling environmental lawsuits take longer than launching mine operations. Despite officially acknowledged violations of Vostok Coal and the involvement of Russian Federal Security Service (FSB), the mining is likely to continue, keeping in mind that the Arctic ranks high on the national agenda Federation and its ambitious plans for its modernization. Meanwhile, intensification of extractive and infrastructure-building activities in the Arctic is not just a Russian phenomenon: as Alexandra Middleton points out in her recent article for High North News, energy intensive industries across the whole world as a rule tend to get attracted to the Arctic frontier by its “untapped resources” and technological challenges it poses (HNN).

The University of Alaska in Survival Mode

Earlier in July, the University of Alaska (UA) got troubling news: Republican Governor Mike Dunleavy decided to exact substantial budget cuts in higher education in Alaska in favor of extractive industries. University’s state appropriations were slashed by more than 40 % of its general fund. As a result of this blow, the Board of Regents announced a “financial exigency” and is now planning to consolidate its campuses in order to grapple with survival (Reuters, The Conversation).

Take 3: As Arctic thaws, these tremendous budget cuts (around $136 million) are shaking the ground beneath the University of Alaska system. Announced right before the start of the new academic year, they inevitably bring dramatic changes for hundreds of students and university staff in a wink of an eye. As reported by Nature, around four thousand scholarships will not be renewed this fall (Nature, NBC News). Even though there are ways for the UA to move forward and adapt to the changes, many experts doubt it will be a smooth and efficient process (Science Friday).

Earning Votes Up North

In the first week of August, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau paid another visit to Nunavut, Canada’s newest territory. On August 1, a seven-year Inuit Impact and Benefit Agreement between Qikiqtani Inuit Association and the Government of Canada was signed and thus marked the establishment of Tallurutiup Imanga National Marine Conservation Area (NMCA). Besides that, the creation of another marine protected area, Tuvaijuittuq, was announced (Prime Minister of Canada, CBC).

Take 4: Despite the long-awaited Agreement and its promising socio-economic outcomes for Nunavut, local responses to Trudeau’s visit have been quite chary. As Nunatsiaq News notes, the spectacle around Prime Minister’s appearance in Iqaluit and Arctic Bay seems more like a pre-election move to “sell reconciliation” rather than political will to take these promises seriously, keeping in mind many unresolved issues as e.g. Nanisivik refueling station, which was passed over in silence (Nunatsiaq News).

Claiming Back Indigenous Histories, in 25 Skulls

On August, 7, The Guardian announced that Sweden’s major repatriation ceremony will be held on Friday, August 9, 2019. The Swedish Museum will return twenty-five skulls of Saami people to the ancient indigenous burial ground in Lycksele municipality, where they will be reburied according to Saami traditions (The Guardian).

Take 5: Swedish nation-state is known for its controversial and inconsistent handling of indigenous issues. Even though this Friday’s ceremony is a huge step in the decolonization process of Swedish institutions, there is still a long way to go. Despite the claim of the Saami Parliament for full restitution in 2007, many indigenous objects obtained through oppression and discrimination of the Saami people remain in country’s museums and scientific centers.