The Arctic This Week Take Five: Week of March 14, 2022
High North Dialogue 2022: A Space for Exchanges
The High North Dialogue 2022 Conference will be taking place in just under a month on April 6 and 7. The conference will be hybrid: both in person in Bodø, Norway and virtually, with support from the Arctic Institute, Nord University, Nordland County Council, Equinor, Lukoil, Innovation Norway, and Stormen. The conference theme this year is “Business in the Arctic – The Great Shifts.” Panels include the issues of green, governance, and ocean technology shifts, among other topics. Registrations for the conference are still open. (High North Dialogue)
Take 1: Cooperation is needed now more than ever in the Arctic. Finding a space to talk, listen, exchange, laugh, and collaborate in new and exciting ways is crucial to heal the wound which has been torn wide open the past month. The exceptionality of recent events makes the High North Dialogue 2022 Conference all the more relevant. The panels on Shifts in International Cooperation and the Future of the High North ring particularly relevant in tackling what are perhaps the biggest questions at the moment: What will Arctic regional and international cooperation now look like with half its coastline missing? What does the future hold for Russian Arctic youth and Indigenous peoples caught in this political downward spiral? The High North is vibrant and plural in both voices and perspectives. This year’s High North Dialogue conference offers an opportunity to bring them together and explore new ways of envisioning the Arctic of today- and tomorrow.
Svalbard Fish Protection and Management: The Other Side of Sanctions
As reported by High North News on March 16, fears are rising in the Barents Sea that EU sanctions and a potential Norwegian ban on Russian vessels in its ports might negatively impact ongoing efforts for fish stock protection and management in the region. (High North News)
Take 2: Fridtjof Nansen Institute Senior Researcher and The Arctic Institute Senior Fellow Andreas Østhagen argues that Norway needs to consider the consequences of a potential ban against Russian vessels in Norwegian ports before following EU sanctions. Arctic cooperation goes far beyond pure diplomacy, and involves working professionals in many areas of expertise. A ban on Russian vessels in Norwegian ports would not necessarily halt all cooperation, but could lead to poor cooperation in a snowball effect, such as around Svalbard’s Fisheries Protection Zone. A potential escalation of tensions around Svalbard could indeed provoke security concerns involving both countries’ states. Beyond these security concerns, the isolation of Russia also poses significant obstacles for research cooperation, particularly marine research as a major point of Arctic cooperation. For the Arctic Council’s marine biodiversity working group PAME (Protection of the Arctic Marine Environment), circumpolar cooperation is essential. In a blow to this collaboration, Great Britain and Canada have already banned Russian vessels from their ports- with the US expected to follow. It is still too early to tell the long-term effects of these sanctions, but the temporary halt of all Arctic Council activities and the closure of ports will impact mutual trust in the Arctic for the foreseeable future. (Arctic Circle, D.i.e, Reuters, Reuters)
Personal Attacks and Debate Climate: Youth Bearing The Brunt
As reported by High North News on March 15, various Norwegian research institutions, including The Arctic University of Norway (UiT), have shared a joint call against what they see as a turn towards accusations and attacks on individuals with dissenting views in current defense and security debates. Critics worry that the hostile environment could scare off junior researchers and staff from engaging in public debates. (High North News)
Take 3: Youth is quintessentially important for Arctic socio-economic development. However, the region’s difficult economic conditions and level of climate change impacts mean that many Arctic youth are traveling South to seek work opportunities and higher education. Nevertheless, having Arctic youth engage in socio-political and economic discussions is vital for the enduring evolution of the region. From the Arctic Leaders’ Youth Summit in Rovaniemi, Finland, to other Arctic Council projects such as the Indigenous Youth, Food Knowledge and Arctic Change project, keeping youth interested and involved is also a matter of mutual generational trust. The violent turn in the Norwegian debate climate does not foster a safe and engaging environment for youth to offer their expertise. From security concerns around Svalbard, to regional diplomatic relations, youth have first-hand expertise to share. The barriers are already high enough for Arctic youth – adding personal denigrating attacks are not necessary, and only further hinder nuanced discussions in the security and defense sector. (Arctic Council, Global Risk Insights)
Arctic Security: Canada’s Alliance and Future Prospects for Peace
As reported by Eye On The Arctic on March 15, Canada’s Department of National Defence is looking to reinforce Arctic security cooperation in light of recent security concerns around Russia’s military involvement in Ukraine. National Defense Minister Anita Anand is organizing a joint discussion with allied Arctic countries, and will introduce a spending plan for the modernization of the North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD). (Eye On The Arctic)
Take 4: Canada is reaffirming its position in the Arctic by leading Arctic security reinforcement. Although Canada’s Arctic sovereignty is protected by several international laws, Russia’s actions have perhaps put an asterisk behind the power of international law to protect the autonomy of sovereign states. A military escalation of the Ukrainian conflict transforming the Arctic into an active combat zone is unlikely, even if localised points of tension – such as between Russia and Norway in Svalbard – do exist between governments. Nonetheless, the strategy of Canada’s National Defense Department to rally its Allies behind a collective security front highlights the fragmentation of the Arctic region seen over the past month. While Blocs were thought to be a vestige of the past after the collapse of the Soviet Union, they could very well be making an even stronger comeback. However, while the need for self-defense might be a reasonable argument, it also begs the question of whether this escalation truly has the best intention of the Arctic – and the world – in mind. If self-defense leads to isolation halting people’s movements and exchanges, what is the point? It may be utopian, or even naïve, to want to believe in a world where cooperation and peace prevail, but if peace and cooperation are no longer what our present aspires our future in the Arctic to be, then what? (High North News, Saami Council)
Finnair to the North Pole: A New Era For Russian Air Space?
As reported by The Barents Observer on March 14, Finnair is rerouting its flights to and from North-East Asia. The new route from Helsinki to Tokyo will now fly over Svalbard and the North Pole, avoiding Russian airspace in consequence of the new flight sanctions against the country. (The Barents Observer, Arctic Today)
Take 5: Finnair is now the only European airline to fly over the North Pole since the end of the Cold War and the breakup of the Soviet Union. Is this the beginning of a new era for Arctic air traffic? It is still much too early to understand and see the full scope of consequences the sanctions on Russia will have on Arctic air and shipping traffic. For air transportation, Alaska’s Anchorage airport seems to become an increasingly important stop for air traffic coming from Northeast Asia. Will this trend be followed by other airports in the High North? As for Russian international tourism, major destinations in the past have included Turkey, Finland, Kazakhstan and China, as well as Thailand and the UAE. These top Russian international destinations have remained relatively unaffected by the sanctions: Turkey has made its intentions to not implement any sanctions against Russia clear, while Finland is currently seeing an increase in incoming Russian travelers fleeing from growing repression by train. China’s official stance remains one of relative neutrality. As such, the ongoing development of a Gazprom gas pipeline from Russia to China through Mongolia could increase Russian interest in China, simultaneously shifting international tourism more towards Asia. Finnair’s North Pole route might shape tourism for the Western Arctic bloc, but Russian’s flight response to the sanctions is still up in the air. (Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada, DW, Global Times, Mitt, The Arctic Institute)